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More than half a year after its liberation from the grip of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and its return to the Syrian map, Raqqa is now trying to rise again and shake off the dust of war. A new reality hangs over Raqqa in the new Syria, as the province is gripped by administrative and service paralysis and an economic crisis that is worsening residents’ suffering.
The Syrian city of Raqqa witnessed a major shift in both the military and political landscape after the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) were driven out and government forces entered at the beginning of this year, 2026. This sudden transformation did not unfold smoothly; rather, it produced a major security and administrative vacuum that cast a heavy shadow over all aspects of daily life, leaving Raqqa in a haze of instability whose chapters are still unfolding, even as the Syrian authorities try to reorganize the province and its institutions.
Service paralysis deepens the living crisis
What is noticeable in Raqqa today is the absence of functioning service institutions across most of the province, or their poor performance, under the new conditions it is experiencing. The neglect it endured during the Syrian Democratic Forces’ (SDF) control continues to cast a shadow over current conditions, as streets and infrastructure suffer from severe neglect as a result of the absence of an effective municipal role in organizing the city and removing waste.
Power outages and shortages of drinking water are also a common denominator for many residents, as daily complaints have become a routine ritual for people searching in vain for the basic necessities of life.
On another front, public hospitals and medical centers are under immense pressure beyond their capacity, amid shortages of medicine allocations and medical equipment, placing an additional burden on residents. The Syrian Ministry of Education also faces another challenge in integrating thousands of students who moved from the self-administration curriculum to the government curriculum, alongside rehabilitating schools.
On the issue, journalist Sallal Muftah, a native of Raqqa, said: “Residents’ expectations were high after liberation, as hope prevailed for the immediate start of reconstruction and the return of services, especially since Raqqa already suffers from the deterioration of its infrastructure as a result of the massive destruction it sustained in 2017, in addition to the absence of real projects during the period of SDF control.
What reinforced these expectations was residents’ following, through social media, of the projects and investments carried out in other provinces, such as Homs, Aleppo, and Damascus.
Yet these hopes ran into major obstacles, most notably the looting of equipment. As they withdrew from the city, SDF members seized most of the vehicles and service equipment belonging to institutions, forcing government directorates to begin their work from scratch, with almost no resources, which caused basic services to grind to a halt and delayed their return.
Added to this is that the new administration inherited a heavy legacy of corruption, favoritism, and unqualified personnel who had previously run the institutions. Although a gradual process has begun to replace department heads, relying on former officials from the previous era has created a degree of conflict and administrative disputes that have hindered workflow, as we now have officials who worked with the ousted regime and with the SDF.”
Sallal adds: “The water sector is a clear example of this incapacity. The Raqqa Water Establishment suffers from a lack of vehicles, support, and sufficient staff, in addition to a salary crisis, making it nearly impossible to respond to citizens’ complaints. Despite the glimmer of hope represented by the governorate’s recent move to restructure some institutions and appoint a new mayor with a good reputation, the dilemma of insufficient funding and equipment, along with the absence of employee salaries, remains a stumbling block to any tangible change. To this day, a huge number of employees have gone unpaid since the government took over Raqqa.”
Unemployment and market chaos are choking Raqqa
The crisis is not limited to services; it has extended to strike at the city’s economic core. With the absence of effective supply and oversight bodies, the markets are witnessing rampant chaos in the pricing of basic goods and foodstuffs. Today, Raqqa residents find themselves at the mercy of traders’ monopolies and price manipulation, with no legal or government deterrent to regulate the market.
The economic deterioration is directly tied to the jobs file. During the period of Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) control, a very broad segment of Raqqa’s residents relied on jobs and institutions affiliated with the self-administration as a main source of income. With the shift in controlling forces and the closure of some of those institutions, thousands of employees and workers suddenly found themselves without work or financial resources, leading to the emergence of a broad segment of unemployed youth and creating a state of stagnation and complete recession in commercial markets as a result of weak purchasing power.
What further complicates the scene is the presence of bureaucratic obstacles and difficulties, as well as strict procedures by the Ministries of Interior and Defense regarding the settlement of the status of Raqqa’s residents and their enrollment in the security and military services.
This delay in absorbing local capacities contributes, on the one hand, to prolonging the security vacuum and, on the other, deprives a broad segment of young people of alternative opportunities to support their families.
Despite the strong turnout among Raqqa’s youth to join the security and military services, acceptance rates are low because of the conditions imposed by the two ministries, creating a state of resentment in the province, which is now facing a sensitive phase.
Osama, a resident of Raqqa, says: “I do not know why Raqqa’s youth are rejected when they apply to the Ministries of Defense or Interior. They are rejected over minor matters, while dozens of personnel are brought in daily from other provinces, some of whom do not meet the conditions. We want to participate in building our country; we are not remnants.”
Caught between the hammer of absent basic services and the anvil of unemployment and market chaos, the citizen remains the weakest link, waiting for real administrative and security solutions that can restore the city’s lost stability.
One province with fragmented administrations
Syria’s transitional government is now making intensive efforts to reorganize the administrative and security files in this important region. These moves come after government forces recently managed to establish full control over the province, benefiting from the Syrian Democratic Forces’ (SDF) recent battlefield setbacks, the latest of which was its withdrawal at the beginning of this July from several villages in the northern countryside, most notably the villages of al-Jabrali and Salib Qaran, located west of Tal Abyad along the border of the Ain al-Arab area. The withdrawal came as part of the ongoing integration process between the SDF and the Syrian government.
The biggest challenge today lies in reunifying the parts of the province that had long been under the control of multiple, conflicting military and political forces. The southern and eastern countrysides had been partially under the control of the ousted regime’s forces until December 2024, while the northern countryside had been under the influence of the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, and the SDF controlled most of Raqqa and the city center.
Over the past years, this multiplicity of forces created separate administrations for each area, something the transitional government is now trying to end by integrating these areas and unifying them under the umbrella of the central state authority in the capital, Damascus.
According to current indicators, this path of unification and improvement of the administrative and service reality is moving slowly, in ways that do not meet local residents’ aspirations. What is stirring controversy and reservations on Raqqa’s streets is the government’s tendency, in its administrative and leadership appointments, to rely mostly on figures from outside the province. Observers see this as deliberate and systematic behavior aimed at tightening the central grip over the province and ensuring full loyalty, away from local tribal balances.
Security corruption and a judiciary under test
The challenge in Raqqa is not limited to the administrative structure; it extends to a deep crisis in the justice and internal security sectors, as the city is now experiencing a state of absent clear law, and the province lacks a decisive legal reference to regulate the rhythm of daily life. Current conditions are marked by fragility and faltering attempts at recovery tainted by corruption.
Residents complain of the absence of fair trials and the firm and full application of legal regulations, while field reports indicate a security weakness in the province, reflected in the release of members of criminal gangs and drug traffickers even just days after their arrest, fueling fears of the entrenchment of patronage and bribery networks. Added to this is the issue of buying jobs and some officials’ misuse of their positions.
On the issue, journalist Wael Abu Khaled told Noon Post: “Corruption is extensive in Raqqa, and frankly across various institutions, and what is surprising is how quickly it has spread in this way, to the point that it has also penetrated the security institution. Recently, a security committee arrived from Damascus to begin investigating some of these accusations directed at a number of figures holding positions in Raqqa’s judiciary.
The Syrian authorities are still investigating the case of the release of tRaki al-Marai al-Bouhamad, one of the men of the ousted regime, who was accused of paying bribes to secure his earlier release before the authorities later arrested him in Damascus after major media uproar over his case.”
From a security standpoint, the Islamic State group (ISIS) remains the primary threat to Raqqa’s stability. The city, which for years served as the group’s most prominent stronghold and was its capital for a time before passing into SDF control after fierce battles, remains to this day a theater for the group’s operations and the surprise attacks carried out by its cells.
The latest was the suicide attack carried out by two of the group’s bombers, who targeted a main security headquarters in central Raqqa in the middle of last month. They blew themselves up inside the headquarters, resulting in deaths and injuries among Syrian security forces.
Alongside the clear ISIS threat, kidnappings and thefts have also surfaced in the province, a dangerous indicator of the state of security deterioration affecting the Jazira provinces in general.
Limited government steps in the face of a heavy legacy
Amid these complex administrative and security challenges, the transitional government is now trying to present its service and economic credentials to residents, although achievements on the ground remain limited and below expectations, while the efforts made in this regard remain modest.
Among the most notable of these steps was the recent opening by the Syrian Ministry of Finance of the Central Bank headquarters in the city of Raqqa, after a 13-year halt, in a move aimed at reconnecting the province to the state’s official economic and financial cycle.
The city’s new bridge, Rashid Bridge was also inaugurated on July 6. This opening carries symbolic significance, as it is one of the vital bridges that SDF forces blew up before withdrawing at the beginning of this year, following the battlefield defeat they suffered at the hands of tribal fighters and government forces.
Journalist Wael Abu Khaled adds: “On the ground, everything accomplished so far is meager and does not match the scale of the promises made by the governorate, nor does it meet the wishes and aspirations of Raqqa’s people. Residents’ conditions are in fact worsening, and even with regard to appointments, they are mostly based on connections, not competence. Raqqa needs greater efforts to recover.”
Raqqa today stands at a critical crossroads. Between attempts to impose the authority of the central state and unify institutions, and a shaky security reality threatened by terrorism, the spread of corruption, and the slow pace of services, the province’s residents are waiting for more serious steps that can guarantee them real stability and tangible development to pull their city out of the rubble of years of war and division.