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Has Europe Changed Its Stance on Israel… or Just Its Language?
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Is Europe Breaking the Taboo and Opening the Door to Sanctions Against Israel?

عماد عنان
Emad Anan Published 26 March ,2026
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نون بوست

In a rare departure from Europe’s traditionally cautious foreign policy stance, several European nations have adopted an increasingly confrontational tone toward Israel—politically and in the media. Their rhetoric has ranged from condemnation and denunciation to threats of sanctions and calls to reassess the EU-Israel partnership.

The catalyst: more than 19 months of relentless Israeli attacks on Gaza, where the civilian population—particularly women and children—has borne the brunt of what many observers are now calling a campaign of genocide.

The former Israeli ambassador to France, Avi Pazner, described the shift as “extremely dangerous,” warning, “For the first time, the West is threatening us with sanctions. A snowball is beginning to roll.” He added, “There is a huge difference between condemnations and sanctions.

Sadly, for the first time in Israel’s diplomatic history, we are in a crisis with a significant portion of Europe—nations historically and culturally close to us—who are now acting against us through sanctions. This is unprecedented, and it is serious. This is just the beginning. If the war continues, the sanctions will grow.”

For the first time in decades, Europe’s relationship with Tel Aviv is being openly scrutinized, with calls to reevaluate long-standing partnerships and legal frameworks. A new, more forceful language has entered European diplomatic discourse—one marked by legal terminology and an uncharacteristically harsh tone in relations with Israel.

This abrupt shift raises pressing questions: Why now? What’s driving this awakening? Is it a genuine ethical and humanitarian reckoning—or merely symbolic posturing to placate a surge in public outrage?

نون بوست
European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell (right) speaks with Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz. (Photo: John Thys – Associated Press)

A European Reawakening Disrupts Diplomatic Norms

In recent weeks, many European capitals have abandoned their usual diplomatic restraint with Israel, opting instead for unusually aggressive language. Some countries have gone further, threatening sanctions and brandishing the political equivalent of a yellow card against Israel.

  • Norway (though not an EU member), Spain, Ireland, and Slovenia have officially condemned what they termed a campaign of genocide in Gaza and announced their intention to recognize the State of Palestine.

  • Seventeen of the EU’s 27 member states support reviewing Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which mandates respect for human rights. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas declared on May 20, “We have a strong majority in favor of reviewing Article 2. So we will proceed.”

  • On May 7, six European countries (Ireland, Spain, Slovenia, Luxembourg, Norway, and Iceland) issued a joint statement denouncing Israel’s attempts to alter Gaza’s demographic composition as forced displacement and a violation of international law. They asserted that Gaza is an “integral part of the State of Palestine”—a position rarely stated so explicitly before.

  • On May 19, twenty-two countries—including France, Germany, the UK, and Canada—rejected a new aid distribution mechanism for Gaza proposed by Israel and the US. In a joint statement, they called it ineffective, politically motivated, and dangerous to humanitarian workers and recipients. They emphasized that Gaza’s population faces famine and must receive critical aid.

  • Dutch Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp called for a “red line” by revisiting the EU-Israel agreement and announced a freeze on any government support for its renewal. The Netherlands also tightened export controls on dual-use goods in April.

    نون بوست
  • In late April, Ireland’s Senate voted to impose sanctions on Israel and prohibit US arms shipments through Irish airspace—a symbolic move that still marks a notable institutional shift.

  • Several nations—France, Luxembourg, Spain, Ireland, and Slovenia—have argued that recognizing Palestine is a necessary political step to preserve the two-state solution. Ireland, Spain, and Norway formally recognized Palestine in May 2024, followed by Slovenia in June. With these additions, at least ten EU states—most from Western Europe—have now recognized the Palestinian state.

  • On May 20, 2025, UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy announced the suspension of free trade negotiations with Israel and the imposition of sanctions on three settlers and two Israeli organizations implicated in violence in the West Bank. He labeled the blockade on Gaza “immoral and indefensible.” Prime Minister Keir Starmer also called for a ceasefire and expanded humanitarian aid, stating, “The suffering in Gaza is unbearable.”

A Long-Delayed Awakening

Back in February 2024, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his Irish counterpart Leo Varadkar sent a letter to the European Commission requesting an urgent review of Israel’s compliance with the 1995 EU-Israel Association Agreement, the cornerstone of their economic relationship.

Article 2 of the agreement requires signatories to uphold democratic principles and human rights—standards Israel has increasingly been accused of violating. The move came in response to catastrophic conditions in Gaza, where observers describe the situation as genocidal. Yet the Commission initially dismissed the request, turning a blind eye to mounting atrocities.

Now, some 15 months later, the Commission has finally responded. With the crisis exposed globally—on camera, in real time—EU officials can no longer ignore the atrocities. Kaja Kallas has since pledged to investigate Israel’s compliance with human rights commitments.

نون بوست

This is no minor development. The EU is Israel’s largest trading partner, accounting for 32% of its global trade. Israel imports 34.2% of its goods from the EU and exports 28.8% of its products there, with total trade reaching €42 billion in 2024.

This overdue European awakening, driven by a convergence of political, media, and ethical pressures, places Israel’s allies in a deeply uncomfortable position. Their continued support now risks being interpreted as complicity in crimes against humanity. As the Arabic proverb goes: Better late than never.

A Crucial American Context

This European pivot cannot be fully understood without accounting for recent geopolitical shifts—particularly within US foreign policy. Under Donald Trump’s renewed presidency, Washington has started distancing itself from Israel on key Middle East issues.

The change began with Iran: Trump’s administration initiated indirect talks with Tehran—mediated by Oman—without Israeli involvement. In a historic first, US officials also held direct talks with Hamas to explore a potential ceasefire in Gaza. Meanwhile, despite designating the Houthis as a terrorist group, the US opened direct negotiations with them, agreeing to pause attacks in the Red Sea in exchange for an end to US airstrikes on Yemen.

Trump’s break with Israel-centered policy marks a shift from traditional alliances to pragmatic realpolitik—prioritizing American interests even at the expense of Israeli sensitivities. This approach appears to have emboldened European countries, offering them political cover to adopt tougher stances against Tel Aviv.

European officials interpreted America’s initial silence on their escalating criticism as tacit approval—if not outright endorsement—of a new, more assertive posture toward Israel.

Pressure That Can No Longer Be Delayed

Despite attempts to frame this shift as a moral reckoning, the truth is more pragmatic: Europe is responding to mounting pressures that have made silence untenable and increasingly dangerous to its global image.

First, there is the on-the-ground reality in Gaza: a humanitarian nightmare defined by starvation, mass displacement, and unyielding military brutality. The Israeli army has ignored UN appeals and blocked aid convoys, effectively turning Gaza into an open-air prison for over two million people.

Second, there is the surge in global public opinion favoring Palestinian rights and condemning Israeli actions. This sentiment, once confined to protests, has spilled into universities, labor unions, and civil society. From Washington to Paris, Stockholm to Berlin, public outrage has become a serious political liability for governments.

Faced with these pressures, European capitals found themselves cornered—compelled to distance themselves, at least symbolically, from Netanyahu’s government. But the central question remains: Can this European “revolt” translate into real consequences for Israel?

Could This Lead to Real Consequences?

So far, concrete action has not matched the fiery rhetoric. The threat of sanctions remains largely symbolic.

First, suspending the 1995 EU-Israel Association Agreement requires unanimous approval from all EU members—currently an unlikely scenario given resistance from Germany, Italy, Greece, Cyprus, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Bulgaria.

Still, unanimity is not always necessary. The EU has previously imposed sanctions over human rights violations more than 26 times without full consensus. Researcher Hugh Lovatt of the European Council on Foreign Relations argues that Israel should not be exempt from such measures.

Second, some countries—like the UK, France, and Canada—are considering individual sanctions outside the EU framework. On May 19, 2025, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney issued a joint statement threatening “concrete actions,” including potential sanctions, if Israel’s offensive continues.

Starmer confirmed the UK would suspend trade talks with Israel, decrying the limited aid allowed into Gaza as woefully inadequate. He emphasized the need for international coordination and warned that starvation cannot be used as a weapon of war.

The coming weeks will test whether this European momentum is a genuine reckoning—or merely a PR maneuver to salvage the West’s credibility after months of unconditional support for Israeli policies.

What About the Arab Response?

Amid this European recalibration, the most glaring absence is the Arab world. While Europe inches toward holding Israel accountable, Arab capitals remain largely silent—trapped in inertia and political caution.

Trade between Arab states and Israel has surged since the war began in October 2023, defying the global trend toward disengagement. Not one of the five countries that normalized relations with Israel under the Abraham Accords—Egypt, Jordan, the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco—has considered reevaluating ties as a pressure tactic.

While France, Ireland, and others recognize Palestine and speak of sanctions, many Arab governments have offered little more than rhetorical support. The once-vibrant Arab street, long a source of moral outrage, now lies dormant—subdued by repression or indifference.

In conclusion, even if European threats have yet to materialize into full-fledged sanctions, the shift remains symbolically powerful. It exposes Israel’s impunity and places Western civilization itself on trial—morally, historically, and politically.

Meanwhile, the official Arab stance remains a stain that will not be erased—unless these governments reclaim their moral bearings and prioritize humanity over hollow slogans and regional calculations.

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عماد عنان
By عماد عنان كاتب صحفي وباحث في الإعلام الدولي
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عواقب سحب الاستثمارات الخليجية في لبنان

مناف قومان
مناف قومان Published 26 March ,2016
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“تأتي المصائب تباعًا” على لبنان كما يقول المثل، فلا يكفي لبنان الصعوبات الداخلية التي تواجهها والتي بالكاد تستيطع التخلص منها أو حلها مثل أزمة النفايات وأزمة انتخاب رئيس للبلاد، والتهديد الأمني على الحدود السورية اللبنانية من قِبل جبهة النصرة التي كانت قد اختطفت بعض الجنود اللبنانيين، وتدخل حزب الله اللبناني في سوريا لمساندة النظام السوري برعاية إيران ومساندته في حربه ضد الفصائل المعارضة.

بعد وقف المساعدات والتمويل السعودي للجيش اللبناني واتفاق مجلس التعاون الخليجي على تصنيف حزب الله اللبناني على أنه منظمة إرهابية وموافقة جامعة الدول العربية على ذلك، بدأت دول الخليج وفي مقدمتها السعودية والكويت بترحيل أي شخص يشتبه بضلوعه بشكل أو بآخر في دعم أو تمويل أو التعامل مع حزب الله، وحذرت دول المجلس رعاياها من السفر إلى لبنان وتحذير الرعايا المتواجدين هناك، وتخفيف بعض الدول من التمثيل الدبلوماسي إلى القائم بأعمال كما فعلت الإمارات.

حال الاقتصاد اللبناني بعد كل هذا؛ لم يكن ينقص إلا هذا، فلم يكفي الأزمة السورية منذ خمس سنوات والتي أثرت على السياحة اللبنانية ونقل البضائع وحركة التصدير وضعف الاستثمار حيث خرجت كثير من الاستثمارات لخارج لبنان بحثًا عن مكان أكثر أمانًا جراء الأزمة السورية وحوّل الكثير من السياح العرب والأجانب وجهتم عن لبنان بسبب الأزمة على حدودها وتوتر الأوضاع الأمنية في الداخل اللبناني، حتى جاءت العقوبات الخليجية لتزيد الاقتصاد اللبناني سوءًا وتضع الاستثمارات الخليجية في لبنان محط أنظار المسؤولين وصناع القرار خوفًا من سحبها أو إيقافها.

فمما لا شك فيه أن كثير من المنشآت والمؤسسات في لبنان لا تخلو من تمويل خليجي، فواجهة البلد أمام العالم وهو مطار بيروت الدولي تقوم مجموعة الخرافي الكويتية بتشغيل جزء من خدماته، ومرورًا بمشاريع استثمارية في مختتلف القطاعات التجارية والصناعية والزراعية فضلاً عن التحويلات المالية بالعملة الصعبة من العاملين اللبنانين في دول الخليج، لهذا تعد الاستثمارات الخليجية في لبنان حجر أساس في الاقتصاد اللبناني، إذا ما أزيح هذا الجحر لسوف يؤدي إلى مصاعب عديدة تتطلب من الحكومة اللبنانية وقتها تغيير قواعد ومسلمات من أجل تفادي أزمة اقتصادية تصيب لبنان.

فالاقتصاد اللبناني يعتمد في جزء كبير منه على الاستثمارات والسياحة الخليجية، كما يوجد في دول الخليج ما يقرب من  500 ألف لبناني يعملون في أعمال مختلفة.

توقفت الاستثمارات الخليجية الجديدة في لبنان منذ ثلاث سنوات بسبب الأزمة السورية ولكن المشاريع القائمة لم تتوقف ولم تُسحب بعد، ويعزى هذا لعوامل عديدة أولها أنها مشاريع يجد المستثمر فيها نموًا في الأرباح وثانيها السياسة الاقتصادية والمالية المتبعة في الجهاز المؤسسي اللبناني من انفتاح وحرية نقل البضائع والتحويلات والأشخاص واستقرار في القطاع المصرفي فضلاً عن سريته.

غرفة التجارة والصناعة والزراعة في لبنان أعدت دراسة حول حجم العلاقات الاقتصادية بين لبنان ودول الخليج ومدى استفادة لبنان من هذه العلاقات، فقد بلغت قيمة الاستثمارات التراكمية اللبنانية في الخليج في الفترة ما بين الأعوام 1985- 2009 نحو 4 مليارات و735 مليون دولار ونسبتها 57.4% من إجمالي الاستثمارات اللبنانية في الدول العربية كافة، وعرّجت الدراسة على الحصة الأكبر لهذه الاستثمارات تعود للسعودية والإمارات والكويت بالتتالي بمجموع يتجاوز 4 مليارات دولار.

وأظهرت الدراسة أيضًا أن “قيمة التحويلات المالية بلغت 7.5 مليارات دولار عام 2015 منها 50% عبر السعودية أي نحو 3.8 مليار دولار و2.2 مليار من باقي دول الخليج و1.5 من باقي دول العالم” وهذه التحويلات لها دور أساسي ومهم في الحفاظ على قيمة الليرة واستقرار سعر صرفها مقابل العملات الأجنبية.

وهذا يُظهر حجم ما يمكن أن تعانيه في حال ضُيّق على تلك الاستثمارات من خلال تقويض حركة المال والأشخاص وزيادة الرقابة عليهما وهذا قد ينعكس على الاقتصاد اللبناني بشح التحويلات المالية من الخارج.

أما الاستثمارات الخليجية في لبنان فقدرت الدراسة “الاستثمارات التراكمية الخليجية في لبنان تقدر بنحو 11 مليارًا و385 مليون دولار نسبتها 92.7% من الاستثمارات العربية في لبنان” والحصة الأكبر تعود للسعودية في المقدمة تليها الإمارات ومن ثم الكويت.

وحتى العام 2015 نفذ مستثمرون لبنانيون في دول مجلس التعاون استثمارات تقدر قيمتها ب 1.4 مليار دولار ما نسبته 27% من إجمالي الاستثمارات اللبنانية في الدول العربية مجتمعة.

كما سجل التبادل التجاري بين الرياض وبيروت ما يقارب 800 مليون دولار بحسب مركز الدراسات الاقتصادية في غرفة التجارة والصناعة والزراعة في لبنان، حيث بلغت قيمة الصادرات اللبنانية إلى السعودية في العام 2014  نحو377.5 مليون دولار، وصنفت السعودية في المرتبة الأولى على لائحة أهم أسواق الصادرات اللبنانية عام 2014، واستأثرت بنحو 11% من إجمالي الصادرات اللبنانية، فيما  بلغت قيمة البضائع المستوردة عام 2014 من السعودية نحو 415.4 مليون دولار. 

لا تفتأ السياسة تؤثر على الاقتصاد ورجال الأعمال، لذلك حاول عدد من رجال الأعمال اللبنانيين تأكيد أواصر العمل بين الطرفين اللبناني والخليجي وعدم ارتهانها بالحالة السياسية بين البلدين، حيث زار محمد شقير رئيس غرف التجارة والصناعة والزراعة في لبنان دبي وأبو ظبي في الفترة الماضية وطمأن الطرف الخليجي على مستقبل العلاقات المالية بين لبنان والخليج.

وسيقوم عدنان القصار المصرفي والوزير السابق على رأس وفد يضم رجال أعمال بجولة خليجية لنفس الهدف لتوضيح موقف رجال الأعمال اللبنانيين.

وهناك دراسة أخرى أجرتها المؤسسة العربية لصمان الاستثمار وائتمان الصادرات إلى تصدر الدول والمجموعات الخليجية قائمة المستثمرين في لبنان وذلك في القطاعات الثلاثة الأولى التي رصدتها الدراسة بين عامي 2003 و2015 وهي العقارات 48% والفنادق والسياحة بنسبة 30.6% والكيميائيات بنسبة 4%.  

والخلاصة أن الرسائل الخليجية من خلال الإجراءات المتخذة تجاه لبنان، تنذر لبنان من التغول مع حزب الله، وتمس بالدرجة الأولى كل ما يتعلق بالحزب وليس الاقتصاد اللبناني ولو أرادت دول الخليج التأثير على الاقتصاد اللبناني لكانت أوقفت المشاريع التابعة لها في لبنان وأوقفت الحركة المالية إلى لبنان، واعتقد أن الجولات اللبنانية لرجال الأعمال اللبنانيين تلقى ترحيبًا في الخليج إلا إذا جاءت بأجندة تخدم حزب الله فعندها سيخرج الوفد يبكي كما خرج سعد الحريري يبكي أثناء زيارته للملك سلمان في المملكة العربية السعودية.

  

 

TAGGED: أرقام حول الاستثمارات اللبنانية في الخليج ، الأزمة بين الخليج ولبنان ، الاستثمارات الخليجية في لبنان ، حال الاسثمارات الخليجية في لبنان
TAGGED: الاقتصاد اللبناني
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مناف قومان
By مناف قومان كاتب سوري، ماجستير اقتصاد سياسي في الشرق الأوسط
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