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From Campus to Border: Trump’s Vision of a White and Loyal America

هبة بعيرات
Hiba Birat Published 26 March ,2026
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نون بوست

Donald Trump kept a promise he made during the height of the American campus uprisings in the spring of 2024. At that time, he vowed to deport those he labeled “terrorist sympathizers.” Upon his return to the Oval Office, he launched an unprecedented campaign in modern American history against university students who protested Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza.

In just the past two months, the visas of nearly 1,500 students from various American universities have been revoked under broad accusations, most notably “antisemitism” and “spreading propaganda in support of Hamas,” which is classified as a terrorist organization in the United States. Some students were ordered to leave the country within a week, while others were arbitrarily detained or summarily deported.

However, this deportation campaign goes beyond targeting student activism. It raises deeper, more alarming questions: What are its limits? What does the law say? What political battles is it igniting? How is it reshaping American identity? And finally, how does it echo the post-9/11 era?

نون بوست

Student Mahmoud Khalil: A First Shockwave

The crackdown began on March 8, when the most aggressive federal campaign to date targeted university students over their political support for Palestinian rights—particularly during the massive spring 2024 protests against Israel’s US-backed assault on Gaza, which began in October 2023.

The arrest of Mahmoud Khalil, leader of Columbia University’s student movement, and his disappearance at the hands of immigration agents initially triggered a storm of anger and protest. Rights groups and student activists decried the Trump administration’s new policy as an attempt to silence dissent and suppress free speech.

Arrests and deportations soon swept through universities across the country. The campaign, described as the most aggressive suppression of student activism in modern American academic history, affected nearly 240 universities and colleges, according to Inside Higher Ed. International students—including both visa holders and green card residents—were among those targeted.

The campaign was not limited to public universities like the University of Maryland or Ohio State. Prestigious private institutions such as Columbia, Harvard, and Stanford were also impacted, threatening the autonomy of universities and their decision-making independence from federal interference.

Senator Marco Rubio claimed that no more than 300 students would be deported by the end of March, citing their engagement in “illegal activities.” However, the National Association of Foreign Student Affairs (NAFSA) estimated the number could reach 1,400 by mid-April.

Worse still, around 4,700 names disappeared from the SEVIS database (Student and Exchange Visitor Information System), maintained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). This raised alarms over a potentially broader plan yet to be executed in the coming weeks or months.

نون بوست

SEVIS holds data on approximately 1.1 million international students enrolled in US institutions and is used to track their academic progress and compliance with legal requirements. Continued residency hinges on abiding by conditions such as avoiding unauthorized employment and refraining from activities deemed “violent crimes” punishable by a year or more in prison.

Yet the accusations brought against students far exceeded legal norms. Beyond “antisemitism,” “support for Hamas,” and “direct participation in the 2024 protests,” even tenuous connections to the Palestinian cause—including social media posts—were deemed grounds for deportation.

The Trump administration launched criminal investigations into students who had not even protested, citing minor infractions like traffic violations, alcohol consumption, or verbal disputes as pretexts for revoking visas. One judge in Wisconsin stated that these actions “clearly violate federal legal standards.”

This raises grave concerns about whether Trump’s campaign is a war on political expression and dissent or the groundwork for a broader social engineering project under the guise of national security.

Trump Above the Law

Under US law, visa holders who enter the country legally and obey the law are entitled to due process—a fundamental protection regardless of visa type. They can appeal deportation orders in court and seek compensation for damages. Emergency motions can also be filed to halt deportation pending judicial review.

Federal judges in seven states—including Montana, Massachusetts, Wisconsin, and Washington, D.C.—issued temporary halts on deportations while assessing whether legal procedures had been followed, such as proper notification and the right to appeal.

But the Trump administration flouted these rights. Many students received no official warnings or explanations for visa revocations. Hundreds were targeted outside public view, unlike Mahmoud Khalil and Mohsen Mahdawi of Columbia, whose detentions sparked widespread outrage.

The administration even ignored direct court orders. Lebanese physician Rasha Alawieh, for example, was denied entry despite a judicial ruling permitting her return. Authorities cited photos on her phone expressing support for Hezbollah.

In another case, a French scientist was turned away over opposition to Trump’s scientific policies, again with no further justification.

نون بوست
Hundreds of protesters in Times Square demand the release of Palestinian activist Mahmoud Khalil.

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has filed three class-action lawsuits in Indiana, Michigan, and Wayne County to stop student deportations and reinstate their visas. Federal courts responded positively, though final rulings are pending.

Green card holders can only lose their legal status via a decision by an immigration judge and only for serious offenses such as murder, rape, or fraud in obtaining residency. Mahmoud Khalil was accused of the latter, but the ACLU contends the charge is merely a legal smokescreen to violate his First Amendment rights.

Deporting permanent residents requires formal charges, immigration hearings, and compelling evidence, making the process far more complex than that for temporary visa holders.

Judicial Showdown: Democrats vs. Republicans

A quiet legal war has erupted between Republicans and Democrats over the deportation of international students. House Democrats condemned Khalil’s deportation as a blatant assault on free speech. Senate Judiciary Democrats called it a “clear act of dictatorship” on X.

Judicial responses have largely reflected political affiliations. Judge Victoria Calvert, appointed by President Biden, halted the deportation of 133 students in Atlanta and ordered their visas restored. Judge Naomi Reice Buchwald, a Clinton appointee, stopped the deportation of Columbia student Yoonseo Chang, a green card holder, pending a final ruling.

Conversely, Judge Jamie Cummins of the Justice Department deemed Mahmoud Khalil a “national security threat,” basing her ruling on Senator Rubio’s accusations.

Conservative federal judges, appointed by Republican presidents, broadly supported Trump’s immigration stance. Supreme Court Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas opposed an emergency order preventing the deportation of Venezuelan immigrants with criminal convictions, criticizing the court’s “hasty decision-making.”

The current Supreme Court, with a 6-3 conservative majority, recently upheld Trump’s authority to deport undocumented migrants but required judicial review before enforcement.

Other Trump-aligned judges, including Andrew Brasher and Campbell Barker, have called on schools to verify students’ immigration status. Justices Drew Tipton and Amy Coney Barrett (now on the Supreme Court) have also backed Trump-era immigration policies both during and after his first term.

The White Ideal

This aggressive campaign targeting international students reflects a broader reengineering of US immigration policy in line with Trump’s white nationalist and isolationist agenda. The focus on Arab, Muslim, and Latin American students and migrants suggests the effort goes far beyond support for Israel or cleansing “criminal bloodlines.” It marks a deeper effort to redefine American identity around white supremacy.

Although Trump previously claimed to support legal immigration for skilled individuals, recent developments indicate a dramatic policy shift. The administration now appears intent on eliminating foreign competition and insulating the US labor market—an interpretation of its “America First” doctrine.

In a notable March statement, Marco Rubio described international students as a “disruptive influence” and dismissed student visas as a “privilege” that does not extend to political activism, which the administration seemingly reserves for American-born citizens.

نون بوست
Mike Johnson at Columbia University on April 24, 2024, in New York City.

Even more alarming, the Trump administration has turned its sights on American citizens themselves—those it sees as “troublemakers.” Though official rhetoric still focuses on those with criminal records, there are signs of a loyalty-based purge targeting liberals and dissidents, particularly those opposing Trump’s Middle East policies.

This suggests a chilling question: Is Trump building an ideal white MAGA-dominated nation, marginalizing liberals and stripping them of constitutional rights and the immigrant communities that support them?

Universities are increasingly portrayed as hotbeds of opposition and ideological enemies. The crackdown on academic institutions and student activism appears to be part of a calculated effort to eradicate liberal thought’s intellectual roots in American society—roots that burst into public view in spring 2024 during massive protests against the war in Gaza.

Resurrecting the Post-9/11 Playbook

Trump is repurposing old anti-terror laws—originally enacted to combat threats to national security—to justify the deportation of even green card holders. This recalls the Bush-era “war on terror” following the September 11 attacks.

Then, emergency powers enabled sweeping ICE raids on immigrant communities, with thousands deported despite scant evidence of terrorist ties. An ACLU report later confirmed none of those deported were linked to terrorism.

Today, Trump is again weaponizing laws such as the Alien Enemies Act and national security provisions to expel students and residents, undermining due process and sidelining judicial oversight in favor of executive fiat.

نون بوست

This echoes a troubling security mentality that casts immigrants and people of color as default “suspects” rather than citizens or contributors to society.

As in the post-9/11 period, the current campaign is creating a climate of fear aimed at silencing dissent—this time, with the backing of Zionist organizations hostile to Islam. There is mounting evidence of direct cooperation between the Trump administration and these groups, including efforts to compile student watchlists.

Many students facing deportation have appeared on lists maintained by Zionist American organizations like Canary Mission, which has long targeted pro-Palestinian activists, or the Betar movement, with a history of violent operations in Palestine. These groups have also harassed activists in the US and Europe.

Although Trump’s campaign routinely violates legal and procedural norms—leaving open the possibility of legal recourse—many students avoid public attention out of fear of threats or immediate deportation, as has already occurred in several cases without opportunity for appeal or due process.

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هبة بعيرات
By هبة بعيرات كاتبة، ومحامية ممارسة في ولاية نيويورك الأمريكية، ماجستير في القانون الدولي وحقوق الإنسان.
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لماذا يجب أن يهتم المواطن المصري بالموازنة العامة؟

فريق التحرير
Noon Post Published 2 April ,2016
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يوم الخميس 31 مارس أقر الرئيس عبد الفتاح السيسي مشروع الموازنة العامة للسنة المالية 2016/ 2017 وخطة التنمية الاقتصادية وأحالهما إلى مجلس النواب للتصديق عليهما، وتعتبر هذه الموازنة أول موازنة تُعرض على المجلس منذ ثورة 30 يونيو.

سنحاول في هذا المقال شرح الموازنة العامة وما جاء بها، حيث ذكر في الموازنة عدة بنود أهمها خفض العجز من الناتج المحلي الإجمالي، واستهداف معدل نمو بنسبة معينة وخفض معدل البطالة.

وكما جاء في منشور مشروع الموازنة 2016/ 2017 فهي تهدف لتحقيق ثلاثة أهداف رئيسية فضفاضة:

1- توفير فرص عمل حقيقية مستدامة أمام المواطنين.

2- تحقيق عدالة أكبر في توزيع الدخل والاستفادة من ثمار النمو الاقتصادي وتمكين المواطنين.

3- تحقيق الاستقرار المالي والاقتصادي.

هذه الأهداف على المواطن المصري حفظها جيدًا مع ما تحوي من تفاصيل وأرقام واعتبارها الروزنامة التي سيحاسب الحكومة المصرية عليها فيما إذا حققت هذه الأهداف أم لا.

الموازنة العامة

هي كافة المعاملات المالية للحكومة كإجمالي الإيرادات التي تحصل عليها الحكومة والمبالغ التي يتم إنفاقها والديون التي يجب سدادها والالتزامات المالية الجديدة والقديمة التي يجب تحملها، ويتم إقرار الموازنة في العادة نهاية السنة المالية للسنة المقبلة، وتحوي على برامج أو بنود يتم فيها مناقشة ما تنوي الحكومة تحقيقه في السنة المقبلة، على شكل تقديرات للنفقات والواردات التي من المتوقع للحكومة أن تحصل عليها والنفقات الناجمة عن الالتزامات السنوية سواء كانت رواتب وإيجارات وغيرها.  

المواطن المصري يجب أن يهتم بالطبع بالموازنة ويقرأها ويفند بنودها، علمًا أنها يجب أن تكون على شكل برامج مفصلة لا على شكل بنود غامضة، حيث تلجأ العديد من الحكومات لعمل الموازنة على شكل بنود لتضليل المواطن.

كما أن المواطن المصري يجب أن يكون على دراية من أن هذه الأموال التي سيتم إنفاقها خلال العام هي تلك التي تجنيها الدولة من الضرائب والرسوم السنوية التي تفرضها على المواطن، لذلك على المواطنين من خلال مجلس النواب ومنظمات المجتمع المدني، أن يسألوا الحكومة والوزارات قبل إقرار الموازنة، عن الأموال وكيفية إنفاقها لكي يتسنى لهم معرفة قنوات إنفاق الدولة للأموال، فلو على سبيل المثال زادت النفقات كثيرًا في إحدى الموازنات العامة، فالمواطن يجب أن يعرف أن السنة المقبلة سيكون فيها رفع للرسوم والضرائب وربما رفع الدعم عن بعض المواد الأساسية التي تدعمها الحكومة وربما أيضًا تطبيق تقشف لتحقيق أهداف تلك الموازنة وإجراءات أخرى، ففي مقابل هذه الزيادة في الضرائب والرسوم التي ستأخذها الحكومة من المواطن ماذا ستقدم وماذا ستعمل، هنا تأتي الشفافية وحق المساءلة التي يجب أن تتحلى بهما الحكومة أينما كانت.

الحكومات التي تقدر شعوبها تخصص لجنة من مجلس النواب بعد مناقشة الموازنة لعرضها على الشعب والتصويت عليها وأخذ ملاحظات عنها، وأحيانًا النزول إلى الشارع وتوجيه الأسئلة للمواطنين حول الموازنة وفيما إذا أعجبته وله ملاحظات عليها.

تمر الموازنة العامة بعدة مراحل تختلف بحسب طبيعة النظام السياسي الحاكم في البلد:

1- مرحلة إعداد مشاريع الموازنات العامة الخاصة لكل وزارة ووحدة إدارية والتي تقوم بإعدادها تلك الوزارات والإدارات عن العام القادم بعد طلب وزارة المالية منها ذلك.

2- مرحلة مراجعة مشاريع الموازنات من قِبل وزارة المال وإعداد مشروع موازنة موحدة تقوم بإعداده وحدة مختصة في الوزارة المالية، وترسل نسخة نهائية إلى مجلس الوزراء لمناقشته والموافقة عليه.

3- مرحلة مراجعة مشروع الموازنة من قِبل المجلس النيابي قبل نهاية السنة، فتبدأ لجنة مختصة في مجلس النواب بمراجعة الموازنة بكل تفاصيلها وتسأل وزارة المال عن الأسباب التي اعتمدت بها نفقات وواردات ومناقشة معدل الضرائب والرسوم التي اعتمدتها الوزارة.

المرحلة الثالثة هي التي تمثل مساءلة الشعب للحكومة، فإذا كان المجلس فاسدًا فإن الموازنة ستصدر طبقًا لما تراه الحكومة بدون حساب أو مساءلة، وهذا ما سعى إليه النظام المصري الحاكم لضمان ألا يعارضه أحد في مجلس النواب؛ فجاء المجلس روح واحدة مع النظام مهمته “التصفيق” لما يقوله ويقره، وفي مصر تتبع الخطوة الثانية مباشرة إرسال المشروع إلى الرئيس وبعد موافقته عليه يتم إرساله إلى مجلس النواب.  

لذلك على المجتمع المدني اليوم في مصر أن يضطلع بدور مهم ويضغط على مجلس النواب كي لا يمرر مواد تضر بمستقبله وتكبد المواطن أعباءً ماليةً أكثر.

وقد ذكر مشروع الموازنة أنها تستهدف خفض العجز إلى 9.8% من الناتج المحلي الإجمالي من 11.5% حاليًا وهذا البند على مجلس النواب تفصيله أكثر ليفهمه المواطن، حيث من الممكن أن يكون تخفيض العجز على حساب المواطن من خلال تخفيض الدعم الحكومي للمواد الأساسية وفرض رسوم وضرائب تجنيها الدولة من المواطن.

كذلك تستهدف الحكومة معدل نمو بنسبة 5.2% مقارنة بـ 4.4% حاليًا، هذا البند يتضمن المشاريع الاستثمارية والنفقات التي تنوي الحكومة إنفاقها في المجالات الجارية والاستثمارية؛ حيث صرّحت الحكومة أنها تنوي ضح استثمارات تصل إلى 531 مليار جنيه أي نحو ستين مليار دولار في العام المالي الجديد، ولكن أين ستذهب هذه المبالغ بالضبط: هل ستكون لصالح مؤسسة الجيش مثلاً؟ هل ستخدم فئة معينة لمحاباة النظام؟

يهدف أيضًا مشروع الموازنة إلى خفض معدل البطالة دون 12% من حوالي 12.8%، وعلى المواطن أن يتساءل هل هذه النسبة جيدة بما يكفي لتخفيف عبء البطالة وأن يتساءل هل فعلاً معدل البطالة هو كذلك أم أن الحكومة تحاول تزييف الأرقام.

 صحيح أن مصر اليوم تعاني من ضغوط سياسية غير عادية بكبت الحريات والإذعان للنظام العسكري الحاكم ومع ذلك لا يجب السكوت عن الأمور التي تمس حياة المواطن العادي.

TAGGED: أول موازنة يناقشها مجلس النواب بعد ثورة 30 يونيو ، الاقتصاد المصري ، الحكومة المصرية ، الموازنة المصرية ، تعرف على الموازنة العامة
TAGGED: الاقتصاد المصري
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By فريق التحرير تقارير يعدها فريق تحرير نون بوست.
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